occasion of the 37th death anniversary commemoration of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Imam Khomeini

on 4th June 2026

Assalamu Alaikum, Dhurood, Ayubowan, Vanakkam, Good morning,

Your Excellency, Dr Alireza Delkhosh, Ambassador of Iran to Sri Lanka & Maldives, Members of the Clergy, Distinguished Guests, Ladies & Gentlemen,

I commence my address today with the Islamic invocation,

Bismillahir Rahmanirraheem, In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.

At the outset itself, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the Iran Cultural Centre and the Cultural Counsellor, Dr Ali Kebriaei Zadeh for inviting me to speak today at the commemoration of two important events.

Firstly, the Ghadīr Khumm, which is a place between Makkah and Madinah, where the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) delivered a sermon to his followers about the important matter of his succession, on the return journey from his Farewell Pilgrimage. This is an occasion that holds immense spiritual significance for Shia Muslims around the world.

The other event that we are gathered here to commemorate is the 37th death anniversary of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution and the Founder and Spiritual Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Imam Khomeini. I propose to confine myself to speak on the life and the pivotal role of Imam Khomeini, as the guiding light of the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran and his enduring legacy.

When historians examine the ideological earthquakes of the 20th century, few figures rival Imam Khomeini in consequence. He was neither an army general nor a conventional politician. He did not command a military force. Yet, from the pulpit, from exile, and from the apex of a newly forged state, the Islamic Republic of Iran, he reordered Iran’s political architecture and altered the strategic geopolitics of West Asia and as we observe current developments today, power politics at the global level.

Early years and development as a cleric

Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi was born on 17th May 1900 to a family of clerics in the town of Khomein, in Markazi province, which was adopted as his surname. His father was murdered when he as barely two years old.

His formative years in the scholarly hub of Qom was marked by deep immersion in Shi’a jurisprudence (fiqh), philosophy, and mysticism (Irfan). His study of the works of Mulla Sadra was particularly influential, shaping a worldview that saw the pursuit of justice as a spiritual imperative. Khomeini largely adhered to the quietist tradition predominant among the Shi’a clergy, which advised caution towards direct political engagement. His early writings focused on ethics and philosophy, with his opposition to the Pahlavi dynasty’s secularizing reforms—first under Reza Shah and later his son—remaining a largely intellectual concern. This formative phase reveals a key tension: his later revolutionary ideology was a radical departure from the quietism in which he was trained.

Confrontation with the Shah

Ayatollah Khomeini’s entry into active opposition was catalyzed by Mohammad Reza Shah’s “White Revolution” (1963). While the reforms aimed at socio-economic modernization, Ayatollah Khomeini and the clerical establishment perceived them as an existential threat to Islam’s societal role and their own institutional power. His sermon during Ashura in 1963, directly challenging the Shah’s legitimacy and decrying his subservience to foreign powers, marked a point of no return.

The subsequent 15th Khordad Uprising and Ayatollah Khomeini’s arrest transformed him from a regime critic into a national revolutionary figure. His continued defiance, particularly his condemnation of the 1964 capitulation law granting immunity to US military personnel in Iran, sealed his fate. His exile to Turkey and then Najaf, Iraq, was intended to silence him. Instead, it became the crucible of his revolution.

In Najaf, Ayatollah Khomeini refined his revolutionary doctrine. His 1970 lectures, compiled as Hokumat-e Islami: Velayat-e Faqih (Islamic Government: Guardianship of the Jurist), laid out his radical thesis: to prevent injustice, senior Islamic jurists must hold direct political power. This was also a challenge to mainstream Shi’a thought. 

Pre-Revolution Iran

The political landscape of Iran prior to the 1979 Islamic Revolution was characterized by a combination of authoritarian rule, social unrest, and increasing discontent among various societal factions. At the helm was Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who assumed power after his father, Reza Shah, was deposed in 1941. His reign was marked by aggressive modernization and Westernization efforts, largely through the “White Revolution,” which aimed at transforming Iran into a modern state. However, these policies often alienated traditional sectors of society, including the clergy, bazaar merchants, and rural populations.

By the 1970s, discontent had reached a boiling point, fueled by rising inflation, corruption, and political repression. The Shah’s regime was notorious for its heavy-handed approach to dissent, exemplified by the use of the SAVAK, the secret police, to suppress opposition. This created a fertile ground for dissenting voices, with various political groups, from leftist organizations to Islamic fundamentalists, uniting against the monarchy.

Due to intense pressure from the Shah on Saddam Hussein, Ayatollah Khomeini was forced out of Iraq and moved to Paris in 1978, which proved to be a turning point in galvanizing millions of people across Iran, and bringing Iran under the global spotlight.  

Revolution and the Birth of the Islamic Republic 

Ayatollah Khomeini’s triumphant return to Iran on 1st February 1979 was the climax of his struggle to overthrow the brutal dictatorship of the Shah and epitomized his charismatic authority over the Iranian people, who thronged Mehrabad Airport in Tehran to welcome him home. He skillfully framed the revolution within the potent Shi’a narrative of Karbala, casting the Shah as the tyrant Yazid and the protestors as the righteous martyrs of Imam Hussain. This symbolism provided a powerful cultural script for mass mobilization.

Crucially, his appeal cut across class lines. He was not just a religious leader but a populist one, championing the mostazafin (the dispossessed) against the corruption of the elite (mostakbarin). 

Ayatollah Khomeini’s charisma and the authenticity of his anti-imperialist message allowed him to unify various factions, from leftists to religious conservatives, under a common cause. His ability to articulate the aspirations of the masses made him an indispensable figure in the revolution’s success.

Ayatollah Khomeini’s teachings emphasized the principles of Velayat-e-Faqih, or “guardianship of the jurist,” advocating for a government led by Islamic scholars instead of secular authorities.  The first major act of the new leaders was to hold a referendum. On March 30 and 31, the leadership asked all Iranians over the age of 16 a simple yes or no question: should Iran be an Islamic republic?

Nearly 99 % of Iranians voted in favour of abandoning Iran’s old constitution and using Islam as the blueprint to write a new one. The vote and its results were scrutinised by critics all over the world. The people of Iran confounded these critics in December 1979, by voting overwhelmingly in favour of ratifying the new Islamic constitution.

Following the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in April 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini who embodied both spiritual and political authority was proclaimed as Velayat-e-Faqih (Guardianship of the jurist) and Rehbar (Supreme Leader), respectively that significantly altered the political landscape of Iran. 

His leadership was soon tested by the outbreak of the Iran–Iraq War in September 1980. The conflict with Iraq lasted eight brutal years, entrenching a siege mentality within the new republic and reinforcing Ayatollah Khomeini’s narrative of resistance against foreign aggression. The war’s human cost was vast — and it hardened the ideological identity of the new Islamic Republic of Iran.

Relations with the US

Ayatollah Khomeini’s characterisation of America as the “Great Satan” was not rhetorical excess but ideological framing. In his worldview, the United States embodied secular materialism, imperial interference and moral corruption. This framing continues to animate Iranian political discourse to date, particularly within the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and conservative clerical circles.

The breakdown in relations was comprehensive: diplomatic ties severed, maximum pressure sanctions imposed, covert confrontations pursued across the region, against Iran. Even later attempts at limited rapprochement — including nuclear negotiations decades after Ayatollah Khomeini’s death — have been conducted in the long shadow of that initial breach.

Israel and the Ideological Axis of Resistance

Before the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Iran and Israel maintained close strategic links. The Revolution ended that relationship. Ayatollah Khomeini denounced Israel as illegitimate, labelling it the “Little Satan”. The Israeli embassy in Tehran was shut down and handed over to the Palestine Liberation Organisation, to establish the Embassy of the State of Palestine; diplomatic ties and all contacts were severed.

This ideological hostility evolved into a strategic doctrine. Iran cultivated alliances with non-state actors opposed to Israel, most notably Hezbollah in Lebanon. The contemporary confrontation between Israel and Iranian-backed forces is thus not a recent improvisation but the outgrowth of principles articulated in 1979: resistance to Western and Israeli influence as a religious duty and geopolitical necessity.

Death and Institutional Legacy

Imam Khomeini died on 3rd June 1989. His funeral drew millions of people. Succession passed to Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei, who remained Supreme Leader until his assassination by US-Israeli forces on 28th February 2026. 

Nevertheless, the structures Imam Khomeini established — the Velayat -e-Faqih, (supremacy of the jurist), the intertwining of theology and statecraft, the institutional weight of the IRGC — have endured intact. Iran’s nuclear programme, often presented externally as a purely strategic calculation, is internally framed within this legacy of sovereign defiance. To yield under pressure is portrayed not merely as tactical retreat but as betrayal of the revolution’s founding ethos.

A Legacy in Contemporary Disputes

Today’s tensions between Iran, the United States and Israel are multi-faceted — strategic, technological, regional. Yet beneath disputes over centrifuges, sanctions and ballistic missiles lies an ideological inheritance. Imam Khomeini could not have foreseen the contours of 21st century geopolitics of cyber warfare or drone swarms. Yet, he constructed a state identity rooted in theological guardianship and principled confrontation. That identity continues to shape Iran’s strategic posture — and, by extension, the security calculations of her adversaries.

To understand the present rivalry is therefore to revisit the revolution’s founding logic. Imam Khomeini fused faith and governance in a manner that transformed Iran from a Western-aligned monarchy into a self-consciously revolutionary power. More than three decades after his death, the architecture he built remains standing — and the disputes it engendered remain unresolved.

Conclusion

The Islamic Revolution of 1979 remains a pivotal chapter in the history of not only Iran but the global community, representing a profound shift in the political landscape of the Middle East. The interplay of social unrest, religious fervor, and the struggle for rights transformed an entire nation, leaving repercussions that continue to impact regional politics today. While the revolution was celebrated by many as a victory for the oppressed, it also brought forth challenges that revealed the complexities of governance and the quest for modernity in a rapidly changing world.

The legacy of the Revolution led by Imam Khomeini endures, providing valuable lessons about the risks and rewards of social mobilization and ideological shifts.